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Newscasts - French President Emmanuel Macron addresses UN General Assembly

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Source: 'Reuters - Business videos'

Description: World leaders gather at the United Nations for the start of the 80th General Assembly high-level debate.

Short Link: https://lseg.group/3W2Y1xd

Video Transcript:

>> Favour of those who have might or money. And we say that we're labelled as Utopian nursing pipe dreams, but what is history, if not a continued Utopian voyage? There will be people who simply want to do things that produce short term results, but in general terms, shortcuts lead us to the edge of precipices to the abyss. And the fact is we don't need to be successful in the way we understand success today in the western world to continue fighting for a fairer world because we know that what we have together has allowed us to change the world, to make it more just, have more loyalty, more solidarity, more inclusion. We've done that. So, distinguished delegates, when we are invited to submit to bow down when it is said that intelligence is somehow irrelevant when people want to show us that you can lie to get an advantage, to get ahead, we want to say no. We're not giving way to cunning trickery, violence, or passivity. Let us say no to all of that. I can and I must respect the person who likes blue more than red, someone who is of a faith that's not my own, the person who thinks it's better to increase or reduce taxes according to the circumstances. Ultimately, I can and I must respect diversity of opinion, but at the same time as I respect different opinions, the opinions of those who think different to me, I face the outrage, the fact that people lie. And what's all the more outrageous is that they're aware that they're lying. Perhaps, for example, it's been said at this very rostrum today that there's no such thing as global warming. This is not an opinion. It's a lie. And lies must be fought against. Of course, we can discuss the best way of tackling global warming or we can talk about who are more responsible than others, but we can't deny global warming. We can argue, we can discuss how the Nazis manage to govern such vast ways of Europe, but we can't deny the Holocaust. We can study the secondary effects of a vaccine, but we cannot state with no evidence whatsoever that vaccines cause autism. The world needs a true, genuine dialogue, dialogue between those of us who think differently, between people who have different visions of the world. It's for that reason that we created the United Nations for that precise reason, to have dialogue and to decide that brutality is not acceptable to decide that human rights must be protected regardless of ideologies or who's the victim or who's the torturer international law is the guarantee that reason will prevail over might always. Opposed against this dialogue, the other direction is lies and silence, and both will bring us to the edge of an abyss into deepest suffering. So what is the task before us today? We have to chart the course that we want as humankind and work with the United Nations who are paving this path. Chile is rallying behind this shared vision, this shared respect for democracy, human rights, social justice, equity, unfettered respect for the freedom of expression, climate action. All of these things that stand as pillars of hope and action to address the difficult changes and weather these current storms. Today, we need to say loud and clear that we defend a commitment to democracy always in an nuanced fashion with no excuses whatsoever. For that reason, this week, together with Brazil, Spain, Uruguay and Colombia, we convened the second meeting for the defense of democracy. That was a collected effort that began here in the United Nations a year ago. We want to build bridges so that we can identify the shortcomings of democracy. We want to look at ways of remedying these shortcomings and of improving the quality of life of our peoples. We will not settle with simply pointing out what we don't like about the world. We will not settle for saying that doesn't represent us. We want to prevent propose ideas that we want to see and champion them. With all of that in mind, I'd like to briefly dwell on one particular issue. I come from Chile, that is a tri-continental country, tri-continental. It has inextricable ties to the ocean. We have more than 6,700 kilometers of coastline. We are a country that looks at the ocean, and as such, we are proud of having been the first country in America and the second in the world to have ratified the BBNJ agreement to extend govern ocean area beyond areas of national jurisdiction. In recent weeks, we saw the 60th ratification necessary for it to enter into force. As such, the first cop of that agreement will be held next year. We do hope it will be held early next year. Here, I wish to reiterate the fact that we are ready and willing to have its secretariat established in our Pearl of the Pacific in the city of Valparaiso, because we believe that this agreement is an opportunity to make ocean governance closer to the global south. Chile is always also a country that looks towards and has an Antarctic vocation. We our leadership in scientific research is clear. We provide logistical support for research, and we have campaigns for the protection of this area. When you've gone to Antarctic, you will have done so through Chile. In two weeks, we'll have another meeting of the commission for the preservation of um marine Antarctic resources. So, I call upon states parties now to now approve the proposal of the marine protected area for Dominion 1. That was the proposal established by Chile and Argentina. We cannot simply exploit resources if we don't adopt appropriate preservation measures because ultimately, we'll see the destruction of marine life, which we also depend on. Let us not forget that we are part of one single ecosystem. Maintaining biodiversity and sustaining life on Earth is something we must urgently grapple with, and we need to do so with a sense of responsibility towards our ancestors, towards those we share the planet with today and with a sense of responsibility to future generations, distinguished delegates. As we have a situation of climate crisis, protracted conflicts, and humanitarian crisis, against that backdrop, the selection and appointment process for the next Secudodrema of the United Nations takes on particular significance. I come to this assembly convinced of the fact that always even in the most difficult circumstances, there is room to take clear sighted action as a collective body, action which is transformative and imbued with humanity. Human tragedy is never a foregone conclusion. We will not give up on the hope that there will be good in the world and that the United Nations we need can be built because that conclusion depends on what we do. I want to say to you that regional balance must be respected in the Secretary General appointment process. It's time for Latin America and the Caribbean. To have their moment. We are a war free region with a rich diplomatic tradition. We forge consensus. We are unwaveringly committed to the UN charter and have been since its very inception. Tackling the historic gender imbalance within the United Nations is important. We've never had a woman Secretary General, and that is something we must remedy 80 years of history without a woman having been appointed Secretary General, the UN must reflect the pros made by the world and recognize that a woman at the helm is not just a symbol of equity but also represents and makes it reflects the fact that women are half of the population. And appointing a woman as Secretary General will send out the clear signal that women can occupy all parts of the world and nothing's closed off to them. Chile wants to actively contribute to that collective effort, and for that reason, it is, for me, a great honor to announce from this rostrum that Chile will nominate our former president Michelle Bachelet Jeria as candidate to the post of Secretary General of the United Nations. She is here with us at this session. Michelle Bachelet is not only someone known to all of you on the global stage. She is a woman whose own trajectory is fully in line with the values that inspired this organization. She was head of state of Chile twice. Incidentally, she was also the first female head of state. She was also the Minister for Health and Defense. She was the Executive Director of UN Women and also High Commissioner for Human Rights at the United Nations. Michelle Bachelet has governed, has negotiated, has solved problems and has listened. Her trajectory, what she's done throughout her life combines empathy with strength and resolve, experience with openness. And she combines all of these with a proven ability to make decisions and to take action in times of mistrust and fragmentation. I firmly believe and I know that this conviction is shared by my nation that Michelle Bachelet is someone able to build bridges. Build bridges between the North and the South between the East and the West between urgent needs to find solutions and the urgent need to defend principles. With her leadership, the United Nations will be able to restore credibility, effectiveness, and a sense of purpose in the face of current challenges. She will work build on the legacy of Antonio Gaudi that I can say has given the best of himself from the good of humankind within this institution with humility and a sense of conviction. Chile presents this candidacy with the conviction, the certainty that Michelle Bachelet will be able to make a decisive contribution to making United the United Nations once more a place for meetings, place for solutions, and active hope for the world as a whole. Distinguished delegates, 80 years. Let us look back at those decades and let us take stock of the strides forward seen in international governance. In spite of the challenges we're facing, we can also say that we have made progress, but we are eaten away at the feeling that that progress is under threat. Who will draw the maps of the future. We want to believe that those cartographers will not be those waging assaults on utter multilateral institutions and eroding their credibility. We don't want them to be those who humiliate the weak. We want all peoples together to draw the maps of the future. Together, we represent all of those people, and together we will trace out clear maps so that we have not only a possible and viable future, but one that is full of dignity for everyone and respects them. And to achieve that goal, this organization, let us remember the organization that was built on the ashes of the Second World War, after the failure of the League of Nations, this organization is crucial and renewing it, changing it, reforming it is an urgent need. So as a renewed organization, but one with the same purpose, it will be an organization that everyone works together in. The words of Victor Hara, that great Chilean singer, rather, great Chilean artist. He talked about this great love of Earth, which has helped us to live. He loved peace, to enjoy life, love and freedom for everybody. He talked about those things so that his children could exist, his city could exist, and his people could exist. Let us, distinguished colleagues, move together free and equal, similar and different. Let us walk along this shared path of seeking truth, justice, happiness, and justice. I thank you. >> Muchas Gracias. On behalf of the assembly, I wish to thank the president of the Republic of Chile. The assembly will here an address by His Excellency, Emomali Rahmon, President of the Republic of Tajikistan. I request a protocol to escort His Excellency, invite him to address the assembly. >> You Excellency, Madam President, Excellency, ladies and gentlemen. Today, as we commemorate the 80th anniversary of the adoption of the United Nations Charter, I extend to all member states my heartfelt congratulations and best wishes on this occasion. The contemporary world is undeniably experiencing a period of instability, turbulence, unpredictability, and escalating complexity. Geopolitical tensions, efforts to reshape a framework of international relations, conflicts and confrontations in different parts of the world, along with series of security threats and challenges have posed significant risks to lasting peace and safety. At the same time, the consequences of climate change and growing social inequality impose restrictions on the process of sustainable development and sustainable global development. And in such a complex and turbulent circumstances, the role of the United Nations as a platform for inclusive dialogue, cooperation, and the promotion of peace and security worldwide becomes more important than ever. In this regard, our countries should make joint and consistent efforts in international practice to protect this principle, return to full compliance with international law. In this process, strengthening equal cooperation among small and large states is also considered to be an important and timely step. Madam President, Tajikistan's national development strategy, 2030 is fully aligned with the sustainable development goals, and we support a full and timely implementation of this item of global agenda. Unfortunately, developing countries, particularly those mountainous and landlocked face multiple challenges and difficulties in achieving these goals. >> Particularly, vulnerable countries feel the need to take serious measures to ensure sustainable development financing and improve access to financial resources. Despite significant attempts in this field, the amount of funding for sustainable development offered by the international community continues to be insufficient to address their current need. This situation necessitates timely response, the allocation of additional funds, and a review of approach to the international financial architecture system. Tajikistan advocates for effective and fair reforms of international financial instruments. At present, we are observing varying degrees of economic progress among nations and the influence of developed nations and international financial organizations could play a significant role in tackling this issue. Many developing and less developed countries remain vulnerable to the impacts of economic and financial crisis, poverty, infectious diseases, including COVID, natural disasters, and food insecurity. They need to implement effective financial support measures, including debt relief. In our view, now is the high time to seriously consider this important item. Ladies and gentlemen, today, climate change related issues in various countries around the world, including Tajikistan pose serious obstacles towards achieving the sustainable development goals. Our country with 93% of its land covered by mountains, is deeply concerned of an adverse effect of this situation. Changes in the hydrological cycle, a series of floods and droughts and severe dust storms over the past decades have had a direct impact on Tajikistan's water and energy resources and food security. Every year, we suffer tremendous material and financial losses due to water related natural disasters. Regrettably, these phenomena often result in loss of life and the destruction of vital infrastructure. The impacts of climate change and rising temperatures have led to accelerated melting of glaciers and the deterioration of marine and ocean ecosystems. I would like to recall that Tajikistan hosted the High-level International Conference on Glaciers' Preservation this summer in Dushanbe. This meeting brought the international community together to intensely deliberate on issues related to the cryosphere. It is worth noting that of Tajikistan's 14,000 glaciers, which are one of the region's main sources of drinking water, more than 1,300 have completely melted and the rate of melting of these ices is accelerating. This is even though Tajikistan's glaciers and other water sources account for up to 60% of glaciers water resources. We must not remain indifferent to matter of addressing issues related to the source of human life, water. Distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, Tajikistan plays a proactive role in water diplomacy. Our country is taking practical steps in cooperation with its international partners as a part of its latest initiative, the International Decade for Action Water for Sustainable Development 2018-2028. I call on member states and stakeholders to actively participate in the next event within the Dushanbe water process, the High-level International Conference, which will be held in Tajikistan next year. This event will undoubtedly give a new impetus to our continued joint efforts within the framework of the Water Action Agenda. We are confident that it will also serve as a solid foundation for preparations for the 2028 United Nations Water Conference in Dushanbe. Madam President, strong institutions and legal literacy are the ground of a just and stable society. Today, the international community is witnessing disrespect for and violation of international law, which is the foundation of order, peace, and stability throughout the world. We emphasize the need for strict adherence to international law and the resolution of all disputes and disagreements within the framework of the law. Being deeply aware of this reality, Tajikistan proposes that the United Nations General Assembly considers proclaiming an international year of legal literacy. We call on all member states to join this initiative and strengthen the global culture of transparency and justice. Ladies and gentlemen, the rapid adoption of digital technologies and effective use of artificial intelligence can noticeably contribute to the achievement of the sustainable development goals. I would like to extend my profound gratitude to all member states for the unwavering support of Tajikistan's proposal to adopt a special resolution entitled The Role of Artificial Intelligence in Creating New Opportunities for Sustainable Development in Central Asia. I'm confident that the resolution adopted by the General Assembly on July 25th of this year will serve as a key instrument for the safe and equitable use of artificial intelligence in our region. We, in this context, consider the establishment of a regional center for artificial intelligence in Dushanbe to be favorable. The center would undoubtedly facilitate an implementation of joint initiatives and projects among Central Asian countries in the field of artificial intelligence. It is worth noting that, along with the improvement of digital technologies, the number of new security threats, particularly cybercrime is also growing. We therefore emphasize that cybersecurity must be an important component of collective security. It is evident that along with cybercrime, terrorism extremism, illegal weapons smuggling, drug trafficking, and other forms of transnational organized crime continue to pose a serious threat to the global security. Tajikistan supports the further expansion of international cooperation on global security within the framework of the Dushanbe counter terrorism process. We are determined and willing to establish constructive interaction within these process with international organizations and the UN member states to even more enhance efforts to counter the aforementioned threated security risks. We believe that relevant UN agencies, in particular, the Office of Counterterrorism can make an effective contribution to the comprehensive implementation of global counterterrorism strategies and programs and strengthen their support to all member states in this area. Distinguished participants, Tajikistan gives full support of the resolution of all disputes and conflicts through political and diplomatic means. We must redouble our efforts to enduring lasting and comprehensive peace based on international law. A year ago, from this podium, I proposed considering a special United Nations resolution proclaiming a decade of promotion of peace for future generations. A year later, the adoption of such a resolution has become even more pressing. In today's complex and volatile world, this initiative will create conditions for international cooperation to achieve lasting peace. I call on all UN member states to support this proposal for the sake of our current stability and a better and prosperous life for the generations to come. Ladies and gentlemen, we emphasize our principled and variable position on the Palestinian issue. We believe that lasting peace in the Middle East is possible only through the implementation of the United Nations resolutions and the principle of the two state solution. In this regard, we recall the need to resolve this issue exclusively through negotiations and diplomatic means in accordance with the international law, particularly, the Charter of the United Nations. We call for a lasting ceasefire in Gaza and access to humanitarian aid. Tajikistan also supports peace and stability, overall security, and socio-economic development in neighboring Afghanistan. We are ready to render our full assistance in these places, and in this regard, call on the international community to provide humanitarian assistance, especially to regions affected by drought and recent severe earthquakes. Distinguished participants, Tajikistan supports the comprehensive reform of the United Nations system within the framework of the UNAT Initiative, UN 2.0, and the UN Secretary General's vision for a modernized United Nations. At the same time, we welcome the Pact for the Future as an important collective initiative to promote peace and sustainable development. These initiatives embody the shared aspirations and will of the international community to respond to modern threats and challenges and build a solid foundation for future generations. We reiterate the need to strengthen the key and coordinating role of the United Nations and ensuring inclusive peace and security. Only with trust, cooperation, and unwavering determination, we can build a just, peaceful, and sustainable future for all humanity. Tajikistan stands ready to cooperate with partner countries and all United Nations member states in achieving these noble goals and addressing other pressing issues on the global agenda. I thank you for your attention. >> On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the president of the Republic of Tajikistan. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency, Joseph Aoun, president of the Lebanese Republic. I request Protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the assembly. >> Madam President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow colleagues, heads of state, and delegation, I stand before you today to talk about peace, development, and human rights. At a time when some of my fellow citizens are facing death, parts of my country are under occupation and while my homeland and my people live in uncertainty. This situation takes me back some 77 years ago, to the drafting committee of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. During one of the debates, the late great Eleanor Roosevelt stepped in to support one member's opinion so that he is not left alone, as she said to those in attendance. The dissenting member respectfully responded, Honorable Lady, my concern is not to side with the majority or the minority. >> But to align with the truth. The author of these words was no other than Charles Malik, the Lebanese philosopher who worked alongside other great minds of the time to give humanity this eternal declaration. He was also granted the honor of presiding over this August assembly from 1958-1959 to represent my country, Lebanon. Madam President, Mr. Secretary General, colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, I recall this incident today, first, to express my profound sense of pride and my heightened sense of responsibility as I stand before you today for the first time in my capacity as president of Lebanon on the 80th anniversary of this great organization. Second, because our session focuses on examining the inherent relationship between three human virtues, peace, development, and human rights. And between these three virtues and my country, Lebanon, the Lebanese experience, alongside lessons from our region and the world, have shown that there can be no development without peace, for growth cannot take place within chaos and prosperity cannot be achieved amid conflicts and wars. Peace is the only foundation for development. Experience has taught us that just as there is no development without peace, there can be no peace without justice and no justice without human rights. Particularly, the right to live in dignity. Without dignity, peace becomes an illusion. And the only growth will be in poverty, under development, violence, and bloodshed. Since the establishment of this great organization, its charter stipulated the need to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to live together in peace with one another as good neighbors, and to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples. These noble principles remained on paper for 80 years as the blood of our people was spilled on the ground. The reasons might be numerous. One can attribute them to the authoritarian nature of man, the nature of relations between countries based on power struggle, hegemony, and the race for absolute dominance in all fields. However, another reason has stirred this tragedy. At least 30 years ago, since talk began in this very chamber about a new world order, the reason is related to the issue of identity and plurality within any society or within societies and countries, especially in the era of globalization. On the one hand, people need one another. On the other hand, they fear for their identity. This led to an emerging issue that drove humanity back to the path of conflict. Let us acknowledge here that religion remains a primary factor in defining the identities of human groups. In the name of religion, countries are at war with one another. In the name of religion, many countries have imploded from within. Furthermore, religion continues to shape the world in profound ways. While Islamophobia and xenophobia grow in the West, the East is still haunted by the memory of colonialism and the remnants of old religious wars. Despite remarkable scientific progress, the world finds itself trapped in a bygone era. Madam President, Mr. Secretary General, colleagues, at the heart of this dilemma, Lebanon plays a unique role. This is its raison d'etre. This is the significance of Lebanon and its message to the world. Amid the global clash over religious identities, Lebanon stands out as a nation where Christians and Muslims coexist as equals under a constitution that guarantees equitable representation to both communities in the parliament and the Council of Ministers with full citizenship for all individuals. This model is open for progress. This model was criticized by some. However, it offers a unique, evolving approach. As the late Pope John Paul II observed, "Lebanon is more than a country. It is a message of freedom and plurality for the East and the West." I reiterate and emphasize a message of freedom and plurality. In the region where people are killed or killed over their religious belief or even for displaying a symbol of faith, in a wary world torn between those who want to impose religious attire and others intent on banning it, Lebanon offers a unique, unmatched, and irreplaceable model. A model that deserves to live, that must exist for the region and for the world. A model that allowed me as an Arab Lebanese to serve as the only Christian head of state from East Asia to the coast of Europe. My country, Lebanon, the land of human secularism with profound faith without any imposition or prohibition of any kind. A model that requires all those who are committed to a better future for humanity to ask the following two questions. First, why would there be an international and UN obligation to preserve Lebanon? And second, how can we achieve this goal? First, indeed, there is a human obligation to preserve Lebanon. If this model falls, this model of coexistence between two different religious communities that are completely equal, where else around the world can we replicate this experience? If Christians were to disappear from Lebanon, this equation, this delicate balance will fall and with it justice. If the Muslim community in Lebanon no longer exist, this balance will also fall and this will also undermine justice. The fall of Lebanon, precipitated by the loss of any of its integral components, would foster the rise of extremism, violence, and bloodshed, both in our region and in the world. It is clear to me today that many of the underlying causes of the war on Lebanon, as well as the deeper, more insidious motivations behind it, have been aimed at dismantling Lebanon's unique model. These actions serve to justify an orient fractured by conflicting identities and perpetual ethnic rivalries destined to remain in a state of ongoing conflict. While certain may benefit from this situation, however, it is ultimately in the interest of the world and humanity to strive for international peace. Hence, the success of the Lebanese experience will set a benchmark for any country. This model today is a vibrant, steadfast, and energetic country determined to live resolutely refusing to succumb to adversity. What it takes to save it, simply a clear and firm stand in words and action aimed at liberating all the Lebanese territory and securing the exclusive sovereignty of the Lebanese state enforced solely by its legitimate and legal armed forces over its land. This is the unanimous will of the Lebanese people since the declaration of November 27, 2024, which was adopted with the support of the United States and France and this very organization as a mechanism to enforce UN Security Council Resolution 1701. I reaffirmed this commitment in my inaugural address following my election as president in January 2024, and it was also approved by the government in its ministerial statement of February 2024. Throughout our negotiations with President Trump's envoy, Ambassador Tom Barrack, we worked on drafting a paper to guarantee full stability on our land to which we are still bound and still await the same commitment by other concerned parties on our borders as well. This is what Lebanon seeks. Let me be more frank. Allow me to feel some pride for my country and my people, for they do deserve it. Ladies and gentlemen, we are truly an exceptional country by all measures. We are a country that each year receives people from the Lebanese diaspora, the equivalent of a third of the country's residents. This underlines the unwavering connection between the Lebanese people and their homeland. There is hardly a major project in our region that does not bear the signature of a Lebanese person nor a cultural or artistic event that lacks a Lebanese imprint. In fact, it is almost certain that Lebanese contributions can be found in every significant endeavor. Among the member states of this distinguished organization, one could scarcely find a nation that does not have within its borders a member of the Lebanese diaspora who is engaged, productive, and creative. These individuals integrate harmoniously with their host societies. We, ladies and gentlemen, are a country capable of embracing modernization, and we have started already implementing a gradual program of financial and economic recovery. Together with an independent financial audit, a fair restructuring of the banking sector, and the modernization of the administration, we have also taken on the fight against corruption and organized crime to rebuild the trust of the Lebanese people in their state and the world's confidence in Lebanon. Simultaneously, we have launched legislative and institutional reforms consecrating the independence of the regulatory bodies of the state's productive sectors and enhanced the independence of the judiciary aligned with international standards in the fight against money laundering and the financing of terrorism. Our government has also recently joined the United Nations Convention on biological diversity in line with our history of commitment to the principles of international legitimacy. We are also set on advancing public freedom, combating hate speech, and empowering young men and women in the decision making process. We can only be prosperous if all our citizens live in dignity. Ladies and gentlemen, our country is dedicated to investing in quality education, and we are expanding today this investment to encompass a knowledge economy. Lebanon is also an essential crossroad for global trade corridors. While advancing on all these fronts, our country simultaneously shoulders numerous burdens. And we shoulder these burdens with responsibility and seriousness. Most pressing among them are the persistent instabilities along our southern border. We call for the immediate cessation of Israeli aggression, the full withdrawal of its occupying forces from all Lebanese territory, and the release of our hostages that we shall not forget nor leave behind, and we insist on the complete implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701. This will be achieved with the help of the mandate given to UNIFIL working in coordination with the Lebanese Army over a transitional period to achieve peace and stability in this context. Allow me to extend my gratitude to the members of the Security Council who adopted the resolution to renew UNIFIL's mandate to help us achieve lasting peace and stability. However, the deep underlying causes of our crisis extend beyond our immediate borders. This is why it is our moral, human, and political obligation to call for an immediate end to the devastation taking place in Gaza. We urge the revival of a new political track aimed at finding a just and permanent solution to the Palestinian question based on the resolutions of international legitimacy, the principle of the two-state solution, ensuring the right of both states to a secure and dignified existence as ratified by your General Assembly with a majority of 142 states out of 164 states in the New York Declaration. The second major burden Lebanon is carrying now is the unprecedented displacement situation taking place on its soil, which measured by capita stands as the largest in history. Lebanon looks to the United Nations and its specialized agencies as well as to the Syrian authorities to address this critical issue. Through direct negotiations and with the support of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, we aim to reach comprehensive understandings and agreements across different aspects of our bilateral relations, the goal being the dignified and safe return of the displaced Syrian citizens, as well as the restoration of the special relations between Lebanon and Syria and good neighborliness and close cooperation in various fields overcoming the misunderstandings of the past. The third burden crippling us today is the reconstruction of Lebanon following the Israeli aggression on our soil, especially with respect to the infrastructure necessary for the return of the Lebanese authority to the Lebanese border towns and to the rebuilding of homes and villages bulldozed and demolished by the aggression for there will be no stability if it is not rebuilt and its beauty restored. Furthermore, there's the issue of providing the necessary means to our legal armed forces so that they may take on the task of defending and safekeeping our national integrity. Remain hopeful about the public initiatives to organize international conferences dedicated to that purpose. >> Ladies and gentlemen, Lebanon does not seek special privileges or favors. Indeed, it calls upon the international community to act with responsibility, fairness, and equality, thereby enabling Lebanon to reclaim its role as a land of freedom and plurality. This very spirit underpinned the distinguished Assembly's resolution on August 16, 2019, to grant Lebanon's request to establish the Human Academy for Dialogue and Convergence within its borders. A resolution that was, for a time, overshadowed by the many crises Lebanon has faced in recent years. Today, Lebanon is intent on reviving this vital initiative. Our intention is both to reassure ourselves and to send a message to the world: Lebanon is returning to its rightful place, both within the international community and among the nations gathered at the United Nations, a true platform for human values and the advancement of humanities. In closing, I reiterate the opening theme of my message. While I stand here today, advocating for peace, my countrymen are being killed. The conflict is still very fierce between Lebanon being a land of life and joy and a platform that spreads both values to the region and the world, and Lebanon being a place of sorrow and wars, spreading both woes to the region and the world. We in Lebanon have made our choice. We choose to be a land of life and joy, and we shall abide by it. I call upon you all, for the sake of peace in our region, for the good of humanity, stand with us. Do not abandon Lebanon. I thank you. >> On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the president of the Lebanese Republic. The Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency, Emmanuel Macron, President of the French Republic. I request Protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the assembly. >> President of the General Assembly, Secretary General, Deputy Secretary General , ladies and gentlemen, heads of state and government ministers, ambassadors and delegates, I am delighted to once again stand before you to issue an address at the 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly. Eight decades ago, we wanted to serve peace, development, human rights, and we've been doing that for 80 years. After that 80 years, we now have to take stock of our progress and ensure that we keep pace with today's world. In 1945 March, we adopted the Charter of the United Nations following two world wars. At that time, war was still raging in Asia, decolonization had scarcely begun, the Soviet Union was extending its empire, and we counted deaths in the millions, and we unveiled the horror of the shower. Yes, that stage of the world wasn't yet complete, but at the same time, nevertheless, we were, through resolutions and with resolve, building our desire to spare succeeding generations from the scourge of war, and we declared our faith in the fundamental rights of mankind. And we made a commitment to create the conditions for justice, to foster social progress, to practice tolerance, and to live side by side in peace. We were not dreaming, and we invoked our past to help us. And after 80 years, I want to say before you that we were right to dream. We had the right to dream. Our world today deserves the same resolve we had then in terms of working together. Fifty-one of us were at San Francisco, and now 193 of us are gathered here in the General Assembly. The text that created this organization enshrined the principle of collective action and enshrined common values. It defined robust processes. And I know, nevertheless, how great frustration is. We see that states are unequally represented, particularly on the Security Council, and that fuels frustration. And that's why I unequivocally support its expansion, the reform of the Security Council, particularly its expansion for the African continent. I also know the extent to which political and social balances and states of places have changed, and different actors have taken on more responsibilities. Many people are asking about whether the United Nations promises have been upheld, whether it's in sync with reality, and whether it brings with it any benefits. Let us not kid ourselves. This 80th anniversary is not a fact that we can just accept. Conflict, international, national, state conflicts are proliferating. Criminal and terrorist activity is proliferating, and people are deliberately trampling on the Geneva Conventions as if war was just about terror, vengeance, revenge, and victory. Haiti, Burma, Ukraine, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the list is as long as it is unconscionable. There are more and more cases of violence being weathered by people whose nations are at war. Major transformation is also underway for us all across the globe. Climate change is not under control. Biodiversity is collapsing. Efforts that the majority of us are ready to make are coming up against the obstacles of the cynicism of a few that can make a difference, but refuse to do just that still. And we see the technology picking up pace, pave the way to horizons of opportunity, but they also pave the way for dangerous forces because they're dangerous because they're not regulated. Global trade is weathering tariff wars, and that's another form of imbalance, globally speaking. Alarm bells are ringing out loud, but that doesn't extinguish hope. Lack of hope did not mean Syria wasn't able to free itself from war. Ukraine is staying the course, and peace is possible in the Great Lake regions. We've also adopted treaties, ambitious agreements that some people thought were impossible: a treaty on pandemics, a treaty to protect the high seas, another to finance development. The world's complexity is not a reason to throw in the towel on our principles and our ambitions. To a certain extent, ours is a moment of paradox. We need more than ever before to restore the spirit of cooperation that prevailed 80 years ago. And however, in spite of that, we're isolating ourselves. There's more and more divisions, and that's plagued the global order. The world is breaking down, and that's halting our collective capacity to resolve major conflicts of our time, and stopping us from addressing global challenges. France is proud to be among the people of the United Nations and pay tribute to all the people that serve them, sold as wearing blue helmets that maintain peace where no one else wants to go, humanitarian personnel and healthcare workers that come to the aid of the most vulnerable, legal specialists, observers, rapporteurs that bear witness to the reality, ensure that the rule of law can prevail, that arbitrary whims do not rule the day. I'm talking, of course, about our NGOs, our nurses, our journalists, and many other people who bear witness to the fact that this organization cannot be replaced. It is for this reason that those that are its harshest critics are also those that want to change the rule of the game because they want to exert domination. And these are people that do not want the common good to prevail. They want to serve their interests, and that is the major risk of our time. The risk of seeing the facts as they are just become the ongoing state of play. We don't want to see might is right prevail, but that's the risk. We don't want to see the selfishness of some people win the day. That's the risk. The risk is that some people, an elite, will decide the course that the world will run, and they will forget that there's an international community. There needs to be respectful relations between peers. There needs to be cooperation between peers. That alone makes peace possible. That alone makes it possible to address climate change, to have a successful digital transformation, or to fight against military proliferation. It is for this reason that 80 years later, our priority is to really find the crux of effective multilateralism, to get back to that gem; collective effectiveness. We need to be clear here. The anti-game of some people makes it almost impossible for our organization to be collectively effective. They're playing against us. We need to work together to get back to that collective multilateralism. There's no point here in dividing the North from the South to think that there can be a united West in the face of a global South. That's a pipe dream. That's a vestige of an era where we wanted to isolate ourselves in blocks, pitting ourselves against each other. Here at this forum, there are only men and women that don't share the same religion; they have different visions, their civilizations sometimes differ, but they have decided one fine day that building peace, rising up to challenges, particularly the challenge of inequality or the major transitions of the world, they forgot their differences to cooperate together. It is for that reason we need to consolidate existing rules and the institutions that guarantee our collective authority and our collective effectiveness. Human rights remain the very fundamental pillar of the United Nations House, and they give coherence to all of the action we undertake. And at that time, at a time when conflicts spread and increase in number, we also have mass human rights crises that we're facing at the same time. Our duty is to ensure that there is respect for international humanitarian law. We proposed ensuring that, as part of the global initiative that we champion alongside a number of counterparts, South Africa, Brazil, China, Jordan, Kazakhstan, and the ICRC. Let us support the ICC in its fight against impunity. Let us allow the orders of the ICJ to be implemented. Their rulings be upheld. The authority, the force of law, is our best chance in stopping the rule of might is right from prevailing. Upholding our values is the only way of throwing out a double standards principle. We've always called out that principle since we came together as a global parliament. Peace and security are everything. For that reason, it's so important for Ukraine to resist Russia and have peace. They need to get their territory, their children, their wealth, and their future back. The Russian aggression is not a problem of Europe, but rather a problem which plagues us all. It's our problem. It poses the eternal question of the force of law against might is right; freedom against imperialism. Ukraine didn't want war. Ukraine wants peace. France, too, wants peace. The Europeans want peace. The United States of America want peace. As such, Ukraine has a fundamental right that is to live in security and to no longer fear that Russia will attack once more. It is for this reason France, with the United Kingdom, built a coalition of the willing, bringing together 35 nations to give Ukraine crucial security guarantees for the long term. As such, we're creating the conditions for a robust, just peace which will allow the Ukrainian people to really be masters of their own fate. And what happened in recent weeks in Poland airspace, Mr. President of Romania, the provocations that we saw in Estonia and elsewhere are the proof that all European people are also challenged threats of Russian destabilization, and unity can thwart those. Ukraine has often said it's ready for a ceasefire and can agree to negotiations. It accepts them. It's now up to Russia to prove that it can choose peace, even at a time it's stepping up attacks against Ukrainian civilians and the provocations to which I've just referred. France is ready as we wait to stand shoulder to shoulder with Ukraine alongside our European partners and all those that understand that we need to hold Russia back to preserve the global order. And I welcome the proposal we saw a few hours ago from the president of the United States, recalling the gradual weakening of the Russian economy. I welcome what he said the on-the-ground failures of Russia. In more than 1,000 days, Russia has hardly gained 1% of Ukrainian territory. There have been so much loss, so many civilian victims, and few territorial gains. I welcome the fact that the president of the USA believes in Ukraine's ability not only to hold the course, but to uphold and ensure its rights prevail with us. It's because there is this refusal of double standards that France will stand side by side with Ukraine, as we do for peace in the Middle East. Yesterday, we adopted a credible plan to put an end to the war in Gaza to preserve a two-state solution, Israel and Palestine, to allow the release of all hostages, and to save so many lives. We've charted a course towards peace, which requires, first and foremost, that hostages still in Hamas' hands are released, that strikes on Gaza cease. And I am delighted that Saudi Arabia and France have convinced a large number of the members of this assembly to sign the New York Declaration. A hundred and forty-two members of this assembly have signed that declaration. We've held out our hands to forge the path towards immediate peace, release of hostages, ceasefire, stabilization of Gaza, the demilitarization and the dismantling of Hamas, and a reciprocal recognition of two states. Palestinian state, which is demilitarized, which recognizes Israel, and Israeli state, which recognizes the state of Palestine. And all the states of the region that have not yet done so, we hope will recognize the state of Israel. Through this mutual recognition, that is, in fact, a path towards peace. It's also the stability of the region as a whole that we seek to build. There cannot be any security or stability for Israel if we have a permanent war being waged with its neighbors. Peace with Palestine in the West Bank and in Gaza, and throughout Jerusalem. Peace in Lebanon. There, the struggle against terrorism cannot be waged to the detriment of sovereignty of the Lebanese people. And it's for that reason I am delighted at the work that we have undertaken hand in hand with the United States of America, with the United Nations and UNIFIL to build this path that will make it possible to restore Lebanese's sovereignty to make the Lebanese Armed Forces, once again, able, with UNIFIL, to really anchor their sovereignty and to build this monopoly over weapons. A monopoly that can only be held by the Lebanese Armed Forces. Lebanon breathes easier when Hezbollah is weaker, and the rest of Lebanon will breathe even better when all of the arms held by Hezbollah are back in the hands of the Lebanese Armed Forces. There's no other choice. We'll soon hold a support conference for the reconstruction of Lebanon, and we'll also support the conference that our Saudi friends will hold, supporting the Lebanese Armed Forces. In the same vein, Syria must recover its unity and its sovereignty. Syria is freer since Assad's regime fell. I received the transitional president in Paris. I welcomed him there. I'll see him again tomorrow with several states of the region. We are striving so that Syria can respect all components of its civil society because that's where its strength lies. At the same time, it's in finding that unity once more, they will be able to also fully recover their sovereignty. >> The region can only be in peace if the Iranian nuclear program that has been partially destroyed is once again, fully under control. It is for this reason, France, Germany, the United Kingdom triggered by way of a collective agreement, a process leading to the restoration of all international sanctions previously imposed upon Iran. Iran alone is responsible for being in breach of its obligations, but they have decide to open the doors to the IEA and allow them to inspect HEU stocks and to conduct inspections. The next steps to come will be decisive. Either Iran makes a gesture and goes back to the path of peace and accountability that make it possible to get back on course and for the IEA to do its work and for stockpiles to be transferred, or sanctions will have to be imposed. I'll have an occasion to meet with the president, if needs be tomorrow on each of these crucial issues, France it puts forward concrete proposals, solutions. The plan for the war to stop in Ukraine exists. The plan to make peace in the Middle East is on the table. A plan to put the Iranian nuclear program back under proper control exists. The plan to restore the full sovereignty of Lebanon in the South exists. We always want to be the partner of all of those who share this demand that everyone take effective action. However, there is a risk that we will stop taking action and look away from too much suffering. The humanitarian tragedy currently in Sudan is undoubtedly the biggest of those facing us today. It's up to us collectively to rally, to mobilize as we did in Paris in 2024. Let us coordinate our efforts to act together so that the warmongers accept negotiations and put power back in civilian hands in the same way in the Great Lakes region, the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo must be upheld. We need to return hope to the people of Kivu and to the hundreds of thousands of people that have been displaced. And it's also for that reason that we will meet next month in Paris, all of those able to respond to the humanitarian urgency and bring together initiatives of peace. And I'm delighted at what's been done by the African Union, by so many neighbors, Qatar USA, but the humanitarian emergency needs to be addressed. We cannot forget any of these conflicts. We have no right at any time to lose heart. This capacity to take a leap of action is our source of strength. That's what brought us together 80 years ago. We have no right to get tired, to show fatigue. There were so many crises one after the other. I'm quite clear sighted alongside you, when I look at today's world. Everywhere, we see the risks of proliferation once again return and new threats emerge. There is an urgent need to rebuild credible framework, a verifiable framework to combat any nuclear proliferation, to rebuild a credible framework to once again contain these ballistic threats, balistic proliferation. I'm not forgetting bacteriological chemical threats or the new risks that posed by AI cyber technology, space technology, quantum technology. We have common frameworks, but they've been weakened in all of these domains in recent years, sometimes because some people said they were outdated and sometimes because the rules for verification weren't properly observed, sometimes because the pace of technological development meant that these frameworks, their capacity to innovate was not enough. Technological chain was going too quick. However, we've got no right to give up. Ours is we have to build that crucial framework for peace. The same demand for effectiveness, effective multilateralism is one that we need to uphold for our global challenges. The Secretary General attaches great importance to our organization, and he has ambition for it, and that's shown through his initiative, UN80. And I shared his concerns about our organization. We need at this time of disarray that I talked about, as a result of these major issues of war and conflict, we can't forget there are so many global challenges that mean that we must all come together. Let us stare straight in the face global imbalances. All economies affected. All economies, and I'm speaking as one of the richest among them, but also middle income countries, developing countries and of course, the poorest nations among us. All of us, if we can't have organized international debate on major global imbalances, if our response is a fragmented one and we don't work together, we exacerbate these problems. Today, our challenge is to look at how we can help China to develop the internal demand that it really needs. How can we ensure that productive capacities that China has been able to develop in recent years, these technological capacity. Sometimes there's technological transfer, and that's good, but they need to be conducted hand in hand with harmonious development, respectfully the environment. How can we correct US trade imbalances? How can we do that through corrective measures, not through tariffs that takes the rug out from under international trade? There's Europe that needs to respond to collective needs for collective investment and we need to shoulder that responsibility. These challenges mean that we need to cooperate. There needs to be cooperation between major economies, but we can't pit the G set against the brics. And that's the very rationale behind our agenda for the French G7 of 2026. Of course, we'll work with the Canadian presidents C of G7 and the coming presidents of G20. We need to return to that spirit of cooperation that is vital because that's what will allow us also to have a common agenda to finance our global challenges. Let's take a look at things today. Everywhere, we're reducing, eroding our common ambitions to finance major global challenges. The collective financing for healthcare is plummeting as is financing for food security, as is financing for education. These challenges are, however, our challenges, even more than they were before the COVID 19 pandemic. And so it is absolutely pivotal that together, we prove ourselves able to develop concrete solutions and find new financing to address our challenges. The president's speech was great in this connection. We are mobilizing financing as Europeans to meet these challenges, but we must do so within a renewed framework. That's what we tried to do together during the pandemic itself with our African partners during the financing summit, which we held in 2021. The work we did there was where we continued at the 4P Summit, where we developed this pact for the prosperity of peoples in the planet. Ultimately, the agendas were the same. We need to work together better to address global economic imbalances. We must develop an agenda of growth everywhere, but we must do that to also help countries to finance education, health care, stabilization, and food security, and help them to address challenges of biodiversity and the climate. Let us come off the horns of a dilemma. We don't need to choose between growth, climate change, and biodiversity. We can do everything if we mobilize private and public financing within a framework that brings together, reconciles East, West, North and South. That's the framework we've built. And now what we need to do is expedite the transition that's already underway, and I thank you all, the heads of the World Bank, the IMF have commented on these efforts, but we need to go faster. The frameworks we developed have already become obsolete. We need to mobilize more private financing to accompany transitions in middle income countries, developing countries, and the poorest nations. We must develop guarantee mechanisms that losses will be covered, and we need to mobilize more private financing to help those countries and help them to grow. That is vital if we want to avoid crises, destabilization tomorrow. This agenda is an agenda which brings us together. And in some way forces some people to cast aside selfishness and avoid a situation whereby others are alone facing their challenges. It is for that reason we must also continue. Whatever the ill winds that blow continue to mobilize to stop biodiversity loss and help the climate, as I was saying, together, we were able to notch up victories recently, the Nice Treaty that entered into force through collective rallying, we finally have a regulation framework for our oceans. That was something we'd been waiting for for decades. The same collective mobilization is what we must see on plastic. We need to develop an international treaty that aims to put an end to plastic pollution. The same mobilization is what we need to have to mobilize biodiversity credits and give more consistency to our carbon credits. This same rallying needs to be seen as we move towards the Bern CROP. France and Europe will be at that meeting, and we will be in step with the 2030 goals. We will mobilize all financing necessary to usher in this transaction, whether that be public or private financing. We have no right to turn away, stray from the course towards the goals we set ourselves. We have no right to simply crumble and become isolated. As you've seen, all of these global challenges, education, healthcare, agriculture, food security, biodiversity, climate. The fight ultimately against all inequalities that destabilize our global order require the same spirit of cooperation, the same spirit that I talked about, the spirit we showed in the face of war and destabilization. Our challenge is the fact that crises, there's a plethora of them, they're growing in number. My speech was long and quite comprehensive, but I do reassure you I'm coming to an end. But I forcefully say to you once more, in spite of all that, in spite of the long list that sometimes gives the impression that we might be overwhelmed, our duty is to remain on our feet and to continue to act together. Eighty years ago, those that preceded us were facing collapse. The war hadn't finished. The worst had just come to pass. A world already divided was stuttering and it was up to them to build the treasure that is the United Nations. We could overwhelm our assembly, level criticism against it, reproach it for everything. Not all reproaches are fair. Some are. This assembly is us. If it's ineffective, it's because some people are blocking it. Sometimes it's the most powerfully. If it's not going fast enough, it's because people don't have enough resolve to make things move forward. The United Nations is all of us. There's one thing. It's that we don't have a right to be cynical. We don't have the right to get fatigue. We can't have this defeated heart because our world is before us, and our risk, the risk that we face is that a fragmentation that the law might is right will prevail, the status quo prevailing, cynicism and to some extent that we will lose control. Yes, the loss of control. That's what all of our peoples are experiencing. Fear in the face of a future, they no longer control the fear in the face of migrations that they're weathering. A climate that we can no longer control, fear of inequalities that we can't bring under control, fear in the face of a war we can't stop. This fear has one friend. The mightiest person that was able to prevail, the cynic that was allowed to prevail. We have one responsibility that is to act together, build this multilateralism once again with the same faith, with the same resolve as the founding fathers of this assembly. We need to do that with even more effectiveness, but with the same will we cannot give ground to injustice. We can give nothing to fatality or the sense of the inevitable. We need to act, act, and act. So it's up to us to do just that together. I thank you. >> On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the president of the French Republic. The assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency, Sadyr Japarov, President of the Kyrgyz Republic. I request protocol to escort His Excellency and invite him to address the assembly. >> Madam President, Mr. Secretary General, distinguished heads of delegations, ladies and gentlemen, allow me to sincerely congratulate Ms. Annalena Baerbock on her election as the president of the 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly and to wish her every success in her work. This year, we mark the 80th anniversary of the UN, a unique institution that has stood guard over peace, security, and development for nearly a century. Over these 80 years, despite numerous conflicts, the world has fortunately been spared the outbreak of a Third World War. The United Nations has undoubtedly played a key role in this achievement. The organization has become not only an international platform for dialogue, but also played a special role in preventing a global conflict. Today, the trend of regionalism in world politics is strengthening. We are witnessing continued price hikes, a shortage of liquidity and a war of sanctions in the global economy. The threat of terrorism-

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