Newscasts - Davos 2025: German Chancellor Olaf Scholz addresses the World Economic Forum 1

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21/01/2025 14:50

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Description: German Chancellor Olaf Scholz speaks at the World Economic Forum
in Davos.
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Video Transcript:

>> Accession candidate. He wanted NATO as weak, as divided as possible.
Instead, NATO stands more united and has grown and has two more members Sweden
and Finland. He wanted to install a pro-Russian puppet regime in Kiev.
Instead, Ukraine as a nation stands stronger than ever before. And he wanted
to subjugate Ukraine militarily. Instead, the Ukrainian army is much bigger
and stronger than before the war, equipped with Western weapons. First and
foremost, thanks to the courageous men and women of Ukraine, but it is also
the result of our support. This support is and will remain the path towards a
true and just peace for Ukraine. Within Europe, we coordinate ourselves in the
closest of terms together with the United States and of course, also together
with Ukraine because the men and women in Ukraine must have the last say.
Nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine. We need this clarity in principles.
Second thought. In a world which in the mirror of social media permanently
seems to teeter us on the brink of a nervous breakdown, we need cool heads.
Not every press conference in Washington, not every tweet should plunge us
into a heated existential debate. And this holds also true after the change in
government that took place in Washington yesterday. To be very clear, the
United States are our closest ally outside of Europe, and I will do everything
that it remains like that because it is in our mutual interest. Because the
close cooperation between Europe and the US is indispensable for peace and
security around the globe. And because our partnership is also an engine for a
successful economic development, I had good first talks with President Trump,
and also the contacts between our advisors are pointing in this direction. And
at the same time, it is absolutely clear President Trump and his government
will keep the world in suspense in the coming years; in the field of energy
and climate policy, in the field of trade policy, in foreign and security
policy, and in some other fields as well. All of this has been announced by
President Trump and he reiterated this yesterday, and we are able and will be
dealing with this. Without any excitement and indignation, but also without
fake cosying up and telling them what they want to hear, yes, President Trump
says America first and he means that. Nothing wrong about that to focus on the
interests of one's own country. All of us do that. However, cooperation and
mutual understanding also is in the very own intrinsic interest. I said that
for Germany. Many times, the European Union is the greatest national interest
for Germany. And this leads me to the third thought I'd like to share with you
today, and it becomes more important by the hour. We Europeans, need to be
strong intrinsically from within. We need to stand together amongst each other
and with partners around the globe. We need to become more resilient and more
competitive. And we have what it takes. As a community, a union with more than
450 million Europeans, we have economic clout. Germany, with its only 84
million inhabitants is the third-largest economy in the world. Let me give you
a first example, our defense capability. Aside from increased defense
expenditures, we need more efficiency in Europe. Not picture-perfect solutions
in every single country and dozens of different weapons categories. No, we
need an European arms industry which is able to develop major projects
together as it is already done in the field of battle tanks and fighter jets.
It is my objective that every European procura can enter existing contracts
and the development of arms, needs to be pursued together. Second example.
Trade and economic policy. Isolation comes at the expense of prosperity. We
are going to defend the free trade as a basis of our prosperity together with
our partners. We discussed this with our partners in the European Union and
the European Commission, and tomorrow I will travel to Paris to talk to
Emmanuel Macron. Europe relies and focuses on a free, fair global trade, and
we're not alone. The fact that the negotiations between the EU and the states
of the Mercosur about a free trade agreement have come to a conclusion after
25 years, and this underlines this message. Just like the political conclusion
of the modernized agreement with Mexico, last Friday was a success for Europe
and for Mexico. Less tariffs. That means more trade, more competition, and
lower prices. Speaking of competition, Europe and Germany have to make an
effort to become more competitive. And not solely as a reaction to development
in China or the presidential elections in the US. No, because the world and
globalization as a whole have changed fundamentally. We've seen the rise of
serious competitors in all parts of the world; in Asia, Africa, and the South
of America. That doesn't mean that we should engage to undercut competition
according to the motto, who pays the lowest wages, or who has the lowest
environmental and social standards. As Europeans, if we want to preserve our
prosperity, we need to keep the technological edge and establish it. A new
quantum, semiconductors, pharma, bio, and climate technologies, these are key
technologies and sectors that are needed in Germany being an industrialized
nation, and a sovereign Europe needs that. And this is why we need to align
and focus our policies in the European Union in the coming years from
competitive law, state aid law, industrial policies, financial policies, and
modern immigration law. All of this belongs together if we want to establish
new and promote new growth in Europe. And it is possible. I agree with
Emmanuel Macron and others, also Commission President von der Leyen. Our
companies need better financing options and capital for innovations. Many
banks and international financial investors stand ready, but far too often
they fail due to nationally organized capital markets in Europe. It is
important to make substantial progress when it comes to deepening the capital
markets union. It's not just some marginal expert topic here, but it is of
crucial importance for the future of our competitiveness. Yes, it is important
and crucial for the future of Europe. This entails also that the EU reduces
excessive red tape and regulation. The European Commission promised that, and
we are going to demand the new commission to pursue this key task. Let me just
give you one example. E-mobility is the future, no doubt about that. Anyone
who suggests otherwise harms our industry. But it is also harmful when
European car manufacturers have to pay fines to Brussels instead of being able
to invest the money in clean energy and clean mobility. This is not helpful to
anyone, at least the climate. We need pragmatic solutions, not ideological
ones. And this is why I'm delighted that the Commission president has taken up
my proposal to introduce Europe-wide, harmonized purchase premiums for
e-vehicles. Our aspiration in Europe has to be we make ourselves better and
it's crucial that Germany as largest economy in the European Union massively
invests in its future. I'm thinking of private companies , small and large. I
want to support them with an unbureaucratic made-in-Germany bonus for
investments. Quite quick, simple, and pragmatic. The state should support
equipment investment by way of a 10% tax credit without elaborate applications
and without bureaucrats giving a thumbs up or down on business ideas. Business
ideas they hardly understand or understand less than the companies themselves
which bear the full risk after all. Investing in new technologies, equipment,
and machines are one thing. The other are investments in our substance,
railroads, streets, bridges, electricity, and heating grids, new housing, and
apartments. I proposed a Germany fund, which should mobilize public and
private capital for this. If there is an industrialized nation that is able to
invest powerfully into its future, then Germany. The debt of all other G7
states lies significantly above 100% of the GDP. Germany decreases towards
60%. This is why I am in favor of a smart and targeted change of the debt rule
in the German Constitution. It's not my own idea. Many experts demand this and
have been demanding this for many years. Many here in this room as well, the
IMF, Noble laureates, business associations, trade unions, all of us, ask us
and tell us to urgently invest more in defense, in infrastructure, education,
and, secure, and reliable, and clean energy. Such investments create growth,
not just for a couple of months, but for years and decades. They secure
prosperity for the coming decades. Ladies and gentlemen, I know many of you
have the feeling that we need to stand up for our convictions, for our values,
and our prosperity, and I would like to encourage you to do that. You and all
of us, let us be steadfast in our principles, calm in the heated debates,
pragmatic in our actions, closely working together with our old and new
partners. This is how we want to get through this difficult time. Thank you
very much. >> I think the best is to follow up your presentation immediately
with a discussion with the audience. So we have people who will rotate with
the microphone. So please raise your hands if you have any question or any
comment to be made. And don't be shy. No. People are too shy here. I'm not
used from the Davos audience. Here, please. >> Thank you very much. I'm Nancy,
and [inaudible 00:12:57] >> I would like to hear from you about your Africa
plan, please. Thank you. >> We collect one or two or three questions. Any
comments? Yeah. >> I'm Peter Wolodarski from Sweden Dagens Nyheter. Last night
we saw Elon Musk raising his hand at the festivities when the new president
was inaugurated. What is your comment to that, Mr. Chancellor? >> One more. >>
Hello, I'm Adonis Kovar from El Salvador. I wanted to ask, what is the
approach of the EU and Germany for collaboration with Latin Americans
specifically with El Salvador? Thank you. >> [inaudible 00:13:55] Yeah. >> So
thank you for your questions. I try to answer to them. So first, about
investment. I think it is necessary that we do a lot for raising the figures
for investing more into infrastructure all over Europe, but also in Germany,
especially. And for making this feasible, I think we must develop our capacity
for doing so. This is why I discussed about different figures which we could
use for enlarging investment in this kind. One is what I proposed as the
special fund of Germany, Deutschlandfunk, which would give us the chance to
combine private and public investment, also within the framework of the
constitutional restrain in Germany, looking at investment from public money.
And I think this will be very effective and gives us a chance to boost
investment where it's needed. And the same is with the reform about the
dealing with public debt in Germany, which I think is a good moderate progress
which we need in Germany. Since it makes sense that we continue to have rules
which are strict, but they must be more pragmatic so that we can do the
necessary investments. I think for the European Union as a whole, it is
necessary that we put together our strengths and boosting investment within
the fiscal possibilities we already have, and I think there's a chance if we
prioritize investment in this case. So on the question of the dealing of Elon
Musk, I had a lot of things to comment in the past because he was discussing a
lot about Europe. And just to repeat what I already said, we have the freedom
of speech in Europe and in Germany, everyone can say what he wants, even if he
is a billionaire. And what we do not accept is if this is supporting extreme
right positions, and this is what I would like to repeat again. And on the
question of cooperation, I think Europe needs cooperation with every parts of
the world. We are willing to do this, and you know that there are a lot of
strategies for increasing our cooperation, and there is a willingness, and
this is why we so much support the idea of free trade and also of developing
free trade agreements. I'm happy that we are now successful with Mexico and
Mercosur, but I think it should be not the last ones we do. There are many
regions which are working very hard to get this done with India, with
Indonesia, with Malaysia, with many other countries and regions. And I think
this should be more successful as it was in the past. I will create wealth if
we have more free trade agreements between the European Union and other
countries and regions. >> Mr. Chancellor, if I may ask you a question, could
you elaborate on your views related to strengthening European security? We are
living in a very dangerous world. You mentioned NATO. But if you could
enlighten us what you see as specific European efforts in this respect. >>
First, NATO will be key for security also in the future, and the transatlantic
partnership is key for security in Europe. And I will do everything and we all
in Europe together will do everything to maintain the good cooperation we have
with our partners, trans-Atlantic, and there are a lot of opportunities which
we will have for better security in the future. One aspect that changed in the
past is that we all spend more for defense. I think nearly every country in
Europe is now spending more than 2% of the GDP for defense due to the fact
that there is a threat to our security coming from Russia, which we really
understand exactly after the aggression against Ukraine. And my view is that
we should keep this, that those who have not reached the goal will do it very
fast, and we should not forget that it was a big progress that Finland and
Sweden joined NATO. When it comes to cooperation within Europe, I think there
is a lot we can do, especially when it comes to defense industry. There is a
short possibility. There is a possibility for the European Union to support
industrial processes of investment into defense industry. But the more
important aspect would be to support cooperation. I already spoke about the
procurement. In my view, it is really not very useful that every of the 27
member states has to start again when it goes to buying tanks. If, for
instance, one country already made a deal with a company, why not joining it?
This would increase sales and make production cheaper and this would really be
to the benefit of everyone. As we know that there are 10 times more different
sorts of weapons in Europe as in the United States, and this has an impact on
scales for the production. So cooperating and easing cooperation with this way
of procurement, I think would make a big difference. We launched, for
instance, the European Skyshoot Initiative, which also aims for having larger
scales in what is necessary for being successful with the new weapons we use
there and the missiles that are involved. Same as with corporation of
companies. I mentioned this question too, and there should be not a
competition regulation that hinders companies in the defense sector to develop
together something they want to sell together. >> Mr. Chancellor the theme of
this meeting is the intelligent age. Now, the infrastructure for the
intelligent age is a digital network, a country has. So sometimes the
criticism that Germany is lagging behind in terms of its digital
infrastructure. What do you intend to do to make sure that Germany and Europe
become leading examples related to the infrastructure necessary for the
intelligent age? >> It is necessary to increase investment. And since this is
mostly private investment, we have to increase private investment into the
infrastructure. There are different sectors we have to look at one aspect is
what is related to mobile communication. My view is that we should develop a
single market in this field that works more effective as it is today so that
the large telecommunication companies are more competitive also when it comes
to global view on this question. And this would boost also their investment
capacity. My view is that we should be front runners when it comes to 5G and
further development and telecommunication. And with the legislation we now
imposed in Germany and the new decisions of our authorities, it will take
place that we will have a strong infrastructure which reaches nearly every
part of the country and which also gives us a very good grid, a good mobile
communication situation everywhere, also for industrial uses and industrial
needs. The second is with fiber. I think this is increasing now. We supported
the private sector in developing the grid, which is related, and this is also
where we have to improve. When it comes to the use of digital opportunities by
authorities, I think we improve, but we have to continue. And this is
especially when it comes to artificial intelligence. My perspective is that
Germany should be one of the front runners in using artificial intelligence
also when it comes to public services, there is a big market for others to
offer us, but also we are very successful in creating opportunities for
developing the technology. Let me just mention the question of health. We
changed legislation on the use of digital data, which I think is now giving
access to the biggest data resource for companies that are doing research in
the pharmaceutical or medical sector. And I really see that there are now a
lot of greenfield investments coming to Germany because of the new
opportunities which are related to the new possibility to use data and digital
infrastructure in Germany. >> Mr. Chancellor, we're coming to the end, and
maybe one last question. The motto which I presented this morning in my
opening remarks for this meeting should be constructive optimism or you would
call it also pragmatic optimism. Now, could you summarize for us what makes
you really optimistic for the future? >> Democracy, the people, and the
opportunities we have when we are very much sticking to using the
opportunities of the future. If it is artificial intelligence, it is quantum
computing the news technologies we have in biology and other fields, or for
medicine, there are a lot of opportunities we should use them. >> Let's face
on the opportunities and not on the risks, which we also have to deal with,
but I think the opportunities are our future. >> Thank you very much,
Chancellor Scholz, and looking forward seeing you. >> Your Excellencies,
ladies and gentlemen, dear friends of Ukraine, please join me in welcoming
back to Davos, the President of Ukraine, Mr. Zelensky. I think you can hear
from the warm applause that people are very much looking forward to hearing
you speak, Mr. President, but also to greet you in the warmest way, welcoming
you back to our annual meeting. We are really now approaching three years
since the beginning of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The largest
European conflict since the World War II. Nearly 1/5 of Ukraine's
internationally recognized territory remains under occupation. The scale of
human suffering since the 24th February 2022 has been tragic. Almost 40% of
your population requires humanitarian assistance, millions face food
insecurity. Deliberate attacks against your country's energy infrastructure
expose Ukrainians to freezing temperatures. Attacks against civilian
infrastructure, including schools, hospitals have caused huge physical and
mental harm on those that are most vulnerable. In the face of this tragedy,
thanks for your leadership, Mr. President, you and your country remain
steadfast. Your country remains firmly on the European path, having been
granted EU candidate status. Mr. President, we truly hope that we will see the
war come to an end in 2025 through a just and lasting peace that restores
Ukraine's sovereignty, a peace that ensures future generations will never have
to know the horrors of war. The world is eager to hear from you on what lies
ahead for Ukraine in the coming year. Welcome back to Davos, Mr. President. >>
Thanks so much. >> Ladies and gentlemen, I want to talk about the future of
Europe with you, which basically means the future of most people here. Right
now, all eyes are on Washington. But who's actually watching Europe at the
moment? That's the key question for Europe and it's not just about ideas, it's
about people, first of all, about how they will live in a world that's
constantly changing. Twenty hours ago, President Trump's inauguration took
place in Washington, and now everyone is waiting to see what he will do next.
His first executive orders have already shown clear priorities. Most of the
world's now thinking so what's going to happen to their relationship with
America? What will happen to alliances? To support? To trade? How does
President Trump plan to end wars? But no one is asking these questions about
Europe, and we need to be honest about that. When we in Europe look at the
United States as our ally, it's clear they are an indispensable ally. In times
of war,everyone worries, will the United States stay with them? And every ally
worry about that, but does anyone in the United States worry that Europe might
abandon them someday, might stop being their ally? The answer is no.
Washington does not believe Europe can bring them something that is really
substantial. And I remember last year's Asia Security Summit in Singapore, the
Shangri-La Dialogue and their representatives of the United States delegation
openly said their top security priority is in the Pacific region, the second
is the Middle East and the Gulf and only the third is Europe. And that was
under the previous administration and will President Trump even notice Europe?
Does he see NATO as necessary and will he respect EU institutions? Ladies and
gentlemen, Europe can't afford to be second or third in line for its allies.
If that happens, the world will start moving forward without Europe. And
that's a wall that will not be comfortable or beneficial for all Europeans.
Europe needs to compete for the top spot in priorities alliances, and
technological development, and we are at yet another turning point, which some
see as a problem for Europe, but others call a chance. Europe must establish
itself as a strong global player, as an indispensable player. Let's not forget
there isno ocean separating European countries from Russia. And European
leaders should remember these battles involving North Korean soldiers are now
happening in places geographically closer to Davos than to Pyongyang. Russia
is turning into a version of North Korea, a country where human life means
nothing, but they have nuclear weapons and a burning desire to make their
neighbors lives miserable. Even though Russia's overall economic potential is
way smaller than Europe's, it produces several times more armor and military
equipment than all of Europe combined. And that's exactly the path of wars
Moscow chooses to take. Putin signed the new strategic deal with Iran. He
already had a comprehensive treaty with North Korea. Whom do they make such
deals against, against you, against us, against Europe, against America? We
must not forget about it. It's not by chance there are strategic priorities
and our priorities must match the challenge in politics and in defense and in
economy. Such threats can only be counted and only counted together. Even when
it comes to army size, Russia can field about 1.3, maybe 1.5 million troops,
and we've got more than 800,000 in our military. Second after us comes France
with over 200,000 than Germany, Italy, and UK, everyone else has less. This
isn't a situation where one country can secure itself alone. It's about all of
us standing together to mean something. For now, thankfully, the influence of
Iran's regime is waking. This gives hope for Syria and Lebanon, and they
should too become examples of how life can recover after war. And Ukraine is
already stepping in to support the new Syria. Our ministers have been to
Damascus and we've launched a food aid program for Syria called Food from
Ukraine, and we are getting our partners involved to invest in these delivers
and in building food production facilities. And Europe could totally step in
as a security donor for Syria time to stop getting headaches from that
direction. And Europe, together with America should put pay to the Iranian
threat. Next, right now, it's not clear whether Europe will even have a seat
at the table when the war against our country ends. And we see how much
influence China has on Russia. And we are deeply grateful to Europe for all
the support it's given our country during this war, but will President Trump
listen to Europe or will he negotiate with Russia and China without Europe?
Europe needs to learn how to fully take care of itself so that the world can't
afford to ignore it. It's vital to maintain unity in Europe because the world
doesn't care about just Budapest or Brussels, it cares about Europe as a
whole. And we need a united European security and defense policy, and all
European countries must be willing to spend as much on security as it truly
needed, not just as much as they have gotten used to during years of neglect.
If it takes 5% of GDP to cover defense, then so be it, 5% it is. And there is
no need to play with people's emotions that defense should be compensated at
the expense of medicine or pensions or something else, that's really not fair.
We have already set up models of cooperation for Ukraine's defense that can
make all of Europe stronger. We are building drones together, including some
totally unique ones that no one else in the world has, and we are producing
artillery together in Ukraine and it's much cheaper and faster than in any
other country in the world. And investing now in Ukrainian drones production
is investing not only in security of Europe, but the ability of Europe to be a
security guarantor for other vital regions. And we need to start building air
defense systems together one that can actually handle all types of cruise and
ballistic missiles. Europe needs its own version of the Iron Dome, something
that can deal with any kind of threat. We can't rely on goodwill from a few
capitals when it comes to Europe security and whether it's Washington, Berlin,
Paris, London, Rome or after Putin kicks the bucket some imaginary democrat in
Moscow someday. And we need to make sure no European country is depend on a
single energy supply, especially not Russia. Right now, things on our side,
President Trump is going to export more energy, but Europe needs to step up
and do more long term work to secure real energy independence. You can't keep
buying gas from Moscow while also expecting security guarantees help and
backup from the Americans. That's just wrong. For example, the prime minister
of Slovakia is not seeking access to the US gas but does not lose hope to
enjoy US security umbrella. And Europe must have a seat at the table when
deals about war and peace are made. And I'm not just talking about Ukraine
here, this should be the standard. Europe deserves to be more than just a
bystander, with its leaders reduced to posting on X after an agreement has
already been made. Europe needs to shape the terms of those deals. Next, we
need a completely new bolder approach to tech companies an technological
development. If we waste time Europe will lose this century. And now Europe is
falling behind in the development of artificial intelligence. Already,
TikTok's algorithms are more powerful than some governments. Already, the fate
of small countries depends more on the owns of tech companies than on their
laws. Already, Europe is not leading in the global tech race falling behind
both America and China. This isn't some minor issue. It's about weakness,
first, technological and economic then political. And Europe is often more
focused on regulation than on freedom, but when smart regulation is needed,
Brussels hesitates. We should ensure maximum tech development in Europe and
together make all significant decisions for the whole Europe from weapons
production to tech development. Europe must lead, and Europe must become the
most attractive market in the world, and that's achievable. And finally,
Europe must be able to guarantee peace and security for everybody, for itself
and for others, for those in the world who matter to Europe. Europe deserves
to be strong, and for this, Europe needs the EU and NATO. Is this possible
without Ukraine and without a just end to Russia's war against Ukraine? I'm
certain the answer is no. Only real security guarantees for us will serve as
real security guarantees for everyone in Europe, and we must ensure that
America also sees us as essential for that to happen. America's focus must
shift to Europe so that one day in Washington, they will say, all eyes on
Europe and not because of war, but because of the opportunities in Europe.
Europe needs to know how to defend itself. Hundreds of millions of people
within Europe, to see its landmarks, to learn from its cultural heritage.
Millions in the world dream of living like the Europeans do. And will we be
able to keep it and pass it to our children? If we in Europe can answer
positively, America will need Europe as well as other global players. Europe
must shape history for itself and its allies to remain not just relevant but
alive and great. Thank you, [inaudible 00:55:13] >> Will you speak in English
or in Ukrainian? >> If I can use Ukrainian, it's good. >> Your English is also
becoming so good. >> My Ukrainian is bad. >> [inaudible 00:55:36] >> If you
want to hear how it sounds. >> We're all in your hands. >> Thank you so much.
>> I'm asking the question, so there is a headset, so give people time to take
it down because they shouldn't miss any of the nuances in your answers. >>
Thank you so much. How many questions do you have? >> Depends on how long your
answers are. We have a backup. >> You have only one question? >> No. I have I
have a few. >> Okay. >> The war has almost gone on for three years now. It's
incredible how you are holding up, but of course, the pressure has also
increased, as you said, from Russia and their allies. I think we're all also
wondering who your latest military strategy is and also who the current state
of hostilities are. You last summer decided to do the incursion of Kursk the
first time since the Second World War, another country have taken a piece of
Russia, but at the same time, we know that Russia is pushing very hard in
Donbas. So what is the current state of hostilities and what is this part of
the strategy that you can share with us here today? >> That's really not
simple question. No. If I'll answer with all the details, maybe it will be
only one question, really. >> Thank you for this question. First and foremost,
I'd like to say that we are still in the Kurz region and our military is
there. The Russian Federation lacked forces to push us out of there. Today
they have more than 60,000 troops there, the Russian military on that
particular axis. Apart from that, there have been 12,000 North Koreans, 4,000
of whom have died, and that was put in strategy to drag one more country into
war. I'll be frank. >> I did not. He signed something with Iran and we did not
for the moment find anything prescribed in there that can drag Iran into war,
but at the same time, I sincerely believe that Iran has been dragged into this
war since they've started to hit our infrastructure, our hospitals, schools
with their long range drones. And they have also issued licenses to produce
those drones in the territory of Russia. So I'm very grateful to our military
that they are on the Kursk axis and that they have dragged some of Russian
forces from the east to that axis. And also Russia wanted to occupy the city
of Kharkiv and that region is at the moment under our control. The people are
living there. It was very dangerous the occupation of Kharkiv because now
approximately 1.5 million people live there. That is a lot of people and they
are shelling it and the people there when you look at them, it's just
admiration because they work there under challenges. They are working. They do
not leave their city. They're very patriotic, very strong. We're very grateful
to them. So the Kharkiv operation failed Putin's operation. We managed to stop
them. Then he wanted to occupy territories in the north. Again, he started the
invasion from the north, invasion to Kiev, almost three years ago, as you have
mentioned. And here he wanted to start with the north again and to capture a
big city of Sumy and then we were forced to deliver a preventive blow on the
Kursk axis and we have created a buffer zone between the Russian forces and
our city of Sumy. And that is why now Sumy is under our control. In the north,
there are no Russian and North Korean troops. They are all pulled to that
magnet to our military on the Kursk axis. In the east, we have a difficult
situation. There is the biggest quantity of Russian forces, maybe the most
well trained. They are on the east. They're pushing on a daily basis. We had a
big problem at first with the delay in the Congress voting for the support.
Then the supply was low and even last year supplies, they are still on the go,
I'll be frank with you. Yes, our guys are fighting. Yes, everything is very
uneasy there. On the other axises, the Russians have failed. >> What is the
strategy? >> The strategy is that we must approach any sort of diplomacy that
will lead and I'm sure that to the end of the war. The issue is what this
diplomacy will look like. If it is strong and after this diplomacy and the
negotiations, Ukraine has strong security guarantees that will prevent Putin
from coming back with war again, then it will be a lasting just strong peace
for Ukraine, for Europe, as I have said it, and to be honest for America as
well, for the whole world. But if the security guarantees are weak, if there
is uncertainty, and only words, then you will get from Russia also only words
and they will again come back with war. >> Mr. President, in your speech, you
were underlining that Ukraine is also playing a role as a bulwark against
Russia for the rest of Europe and especially in some former East European
countries, there is, of course, a lot of concerns for the future taking into
account what has unfolded in Ukraine and you argued that for Europe, this
should be the first priority. Then you said, for America, of course, they have
a transatlantic ocean between themselves and Russia. But at the same time, we
know and you know that American support is also needed since they have half of
the military capabilities of the world, so still a superpower. And I think
we're all reflecting now on what will happen in Washington, DC in the coming
weeks. You met Trump many times. It seems that you've established also a
relatively good personal chemistry. But what do you think will happen in the
coming year? Because every war has to end. So now you're talking about the
premises for deal. It has to be also future security for Ukraine and no new
wars. So a question, you think you are in a manageable situation, no, in the
coming months also with the New Trump administration? >> Thank you for the
question. First and foremost, I would very much want that everybody
understands where we and Russia have been in 2022, where we and Russia and
America and Europe are now. It seems to me that this technical data is
important to understand how and which support how and what it influences, and
what are the risks for everybody else. If we recall the full scale invasion by
Russian Federation in 2022, then we absolutely know that the Russian military
contingent constituted around 200,000 personnel. They have come from the north
with this contingent with missiles, from the south, from the east, yes. But
they had around estimation 200,000 plus the separatists that have and
unfortunately still now controlled parts of the east, regions Donetsk and
Luhansk, the parts of these regions that they control. It was very difficult
for us without anybody's help. And I'm very much grateful that America and
Europe have then stepped in. But you must know that as of now to be precise,
608,000 Russian military troops are on the territory of Ukraine. So that is
three times multiplied than the contingent that invaded us in the beginning of
2022. So if somebody says that there is enough of aid, please compare what was
back then and what is going on now. Back then, the America's aid was around
90%. Now what our military has on the battlefield is 40% of Ukrainian made
supplies, 30-40% of the US, so a bit more than one-third of the US and a bit
less than the US is Europe and around 40% is Ukraine. So that is what we have
now, and that is a huge difference. And when somebody is saying, how are you
holding on, we hold on because of the serious increase of domestic production
and increasing production in Europe and also increasing production in the
United States of America. But that is not sufficient because we have
multiplied our increases. Europe did not follow such tempo and I have
underscored it in the speech. So it is very important to understand where we
are, how to hold on without aid and what Putin will do. Now, look, what he can
do if there are no clear strong security guarantees. He increased his
production by multiple times as well. And I have given this example. He has
more than 30 factories in military sector. Europe has 45, but he's producing
almost two times more than Europe. So you understand that he's investing
everything into it. But Europe is not investing sufficiently, and that is also
a fact despite the fact that Europe has more technological capabilities, that
is not taking into account the United States. And when you don't have the
strong security guarantees and the volumes of the decrease, we will be forced
to count only on ourselves and Europe and that is not enough. It's needed that
Europe and US be in alliance. If he, Putin, increased his military grouping to
more than 600,000 troops, how do you think if there are no strong security
guarantees, no NATO, no military contingent deployed, no long range weaponry,
no weapons on the territory of Ukraine, how do you think if Putin comes back,
he will definitely come back with the army 10 times more than the grouping he
had in the very beginning of 2022, because it is already almost 4.5 times more
than it was. And when he comes back with this grouping, why will he come back?
For the full occupation of the countries that are former republics of the
USSR, that is number one, and then he will do what he has done with our
Crimea. He will be coming to other EU and NATO countries to stand there to
issue these those ultimatums, to make demands to the countries. Somebody will
have to leave NATO, our Baltic friends, Finland, Sweden. He will be bringing
us and you, everybody, to the world that lives in his head. This is what will
be happening in case there are no strong security guarantees. One of the
important questions that Putin will pose and we will all see is to decrease
the numbers of Ukrainian military by many times. You will all see that
,because this is absolutely understandable. If we manage to make army 800,000
troops plus, it's understandable that we plus Europe, we are an army that is
capable not only to withstand and to defend our borders, that is the army that
is capable of repelling Putin, and he understands that, and the fastest way is
to push the US that Ukraine is not in NATO and to push all the other allies
that they push for Ukraine to decrease the army. This is what will happen.
This is what he wants. This will not happen. We will not allow him to do that,
but he will try to do that. And it seems to me the main strategy now with
President Trump is that we really have good relations with him. But we
nowadays have pragmatic times, and for us it is very important that excessive
voices that are sometimes around President Trump delivering disinformation or
pro Russian messages. For us, it is very important that Europe is loud so that
there are more voices around Trump so that he clearly understands the details
and the risks. Risks that can be in the future and very fast. Trump he told me
and he later publicly stated it, he will be doing everything to end the war
this year. And I told him that we are your partner. We have this war on our
territory. We know all the painful points. We understand how painful it is for
us. We have lost our people. That is the biggest loss for us. We want to end
the war this year. But not only was the word rapidly, but justly, first and
foremost, in a reliable manner for Ukrainians to come back home to live in
security, to work. And it seems to me that this is the most important things,
at least we'll be doing everything for it. >> Mr. President, I just don't
think there is a lot more to add. >> So it was not interesting, you see? >> I
was coming to that in the next sentence. I felt that the last piece was
historic. I think you sent a historic reminder to all of us what is at stake.
And I was thinking about what Winston Churchill once said that the farther
backward you can look, the further forward we're likely to see. And I think if
you have seen something in the past, you have a special responsibility for not
repeating it in the future. And I think you feel here that there is a lot of
support for you and your country. Thank you very much. >> Thank you so much