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By Michelle Conlin and Lucas Iberico Lozada
NEW YORK, May 11 (Reuters) - It wasn't long ago that
politics, like religious orientation or sexual preference, was a
taboo topic in the American workplace. Political beliefs were
considered a private affair - off limits to the boss.
But today employers are increasingly approaching workers to
fundraise, lobby and campaign in ways they never have before,
according to a Reuters analysis of FEC filings and data compiled
by the Business Industry Political Action Committee. The
Washington trade group, which has offices across the street from
the White House, helps firms such as Wal-Mart WMTST.UL ,
Halliburton HAL.N and Lockheed Martin LMT.N mobilize
employees on policy issues important to the companies.
For years it was unions and trade associations that were the
politically powerful workplace players, operating political
action committees (PACs) that raised millions of dollars to
support their preferred candidates. But since a 2010 U.S.
Supreme Court decision that allowed for unlimited political
spending by corporations, the number of companies engaged in
this sort of activity - be it nudging employees to write
letters, donate, campaign or vote - has risen 45 percent to
7,317, according to BIPAC's internal research, seen by Reuters.
The new approach to workplace giving is called "E2E," or
employer-to-employee outreach. These PACs donate to both
Democrats and Republicans, depending upon who supports policies
and issues favorable to the business interests of the
corporation.
"When you compare the amount of money the Wal-Marts and
McDonald's and their employees have, compared to even the
largest American unions, it's peanuts and watermelons," said
Phil Smith, spokesman for the United Mine Workers of America.
Employees at the nation's top firms are contributing more
money than ever before to company PACs controlled by CEOs and
senior management, according to April 2015 quarterly fundraising
and spending documents disclosed to the U.S. election regulator,
the Federal Election Commission.
An analysis of FEC filings of 122 of the top company PACs
shows employees raised a median 25 percent more in the first
quarter of 2015 versus the same period four years ago. For the
PACs analyzed, the median amount of contributions collected was
$130,842.
PARKING SPACE INCENTIVES
To encourage this sort of donation, some companies are
attaching perks to the giving.
BP, for example, says employees who donate at least 2.5
percent of their salary to the company PAC get choice parking
spots in the company lot. At Wal-Mart, the company gives
employees who donate to the company PAC a two-for-one match to
Wal-Mart's in-house charity for store associates in need.
A BP spokesman said federal law permitted "recognition
gifts" such as preferred parking. Wal-Mart said it only asks
salaried employees to give, not hourly ones, and that workers
are free to stipulate whether their contributions go to
Democratic or Republican candidates.
At companies that depend heavily on government contracts,
the giving is especially high. For example, employees of
Honeywell International, a major manufacturer of aircraft
electronics, gave more than $1 million in the first quarter of
2015 - up 52 percent since the same period in 2011.
Honeywell, along with Lockheed Martin, BP and Halliburton,
says its employee contributions are 100 percent voluntary and
legal and that no pressure is put on employees to become more
politically active.
"Honeywell's PAC supports those who support policies that
are good for our business and help to create jobs in the United
States," company spokesman Rob Ferris said.
EMPLOYEES' DONATIONS SOARING
This sharp increase in political donations by employees is
fueling concerns among some campaign finance watchdogs, ahead of
the November 2016 elections, that workers may feel pressure to
donate to candidates they don't support or to lobby on issues
they don't agree with.
"What I worry about is the inherently coercive nature of
these workplace situations," Democratic FEC Commissioner Ellen
Weintraub said.
"Let's say an employer decides to throw corporate resources
behind a candidate and sets up a phone bank, asking employees to
get on the phone to get people to support candidate Jones. It's
very hard to say no to your employer. It puts the employee,
especially the low-level employee, in a very difficult
position."
Weintraub and FEC Chairwoman Ann Ravel, also a Democrat,
said they were not allowed to comment on any cases before the
commission that may be related to this issue.
The top Republican on the FEC, Lee Goodman, did not echo his
Democratic colleagues' concerns and noted in an email that the
law prohibits employers from coercing employees to make
political contributions.
Supporters of the employer-to-employee outreach say that it
performs an important civic function by educating workers and
turning them into active political participants. BIPAC says its
research shows that many workers rate their employers as more
credible information sources about politics than political
parties, labor unions or the news media.
"If it's done right, there's nothing illegal about it," said
Greg Casey, president of BIPAC. Some 89 percent of the
candidates its PAC supports are Republicans.
PFIZER EMPLOYEES' EMAIL BLAST
The practice drew mixed reviews among a dozen employees at
five companies interviewed by Reuters.
"The legislators that would support the company are
absolutely the ones I would never support," said one global
director at Pfizer who spoke on condition of anonymity.
An email sent to staff in April noted that Pfizer's
employees had sent more than 8,000 emails to politicians about
healthcare and patent legislation favorable to Pfizer.
The Chairwoman of Pfizer's employee PAC, Sally Susman, said
that, "while strictly voluntary, we encourage colleagues to
raise voices on behalf of the patients we serve on important
issues."
Some companies go further. Before the 2012 presidential
election, Koch Industries sent its employees a voter packet
informing them which candidates, including Republican nominee
Mitt Romney, the company supported, as well as an editorial
knocking President Barack Obama. Campaign finance reformers said
at the time that Koch's actions crossed the line, while Koch
Industries defended its actions as "nothing unusual" and the
type of thing unions did all the time.
Some employees allege they have suffered retribution as a
result of not supporting a CEO's politics.
At Ohio-based Murray Energy, a coal mining company, plant
shift forewoman Jean Cochenour said in a 2014 lawsuit that she
was fired in retribution for not responding to letters she
received from the company's CEO, Robert Murray, that began:
"Dear Jean: The coal industry and our jobs are being destroyed
by President Barack Obama. Our only hope to stop them is by
electing friends of coal."
The letters, samples of which were included in the pending
lawsuit, identified the Republican candidates employees should
donate to, and vote for, like New Hampshire Senate hopeful Scott
Brown. Murray requested employees make a $200 donation to each
candidate and included a self-addressed envelope for the
donations, according to court documents.
Cochenour also alleged that managers were required to donate
at least 1 percent of their salaries to Murray's candidates. And
vendors and suppliers were also required to give - lest they
lose the company's business.
In an emailed response to these allegations, Murray Energy
spokesperson Gary Broadbent said Ro